![]() The current doctrine, issued in February, claims NATO is the main threat and has lost credibility.įourth, Moscow should devolve more power to regional authorities, but with accountability to forestall new Kadyrovs. ![]() Third, Russia’s military needs a better doctrine and training. This will foster public understanding and improve decision-making. ![]() Second, Russian media should be more open about events in the North Caucasus. Chechens should be allowed to choose their own leaders, and Russian security forces ought to be held accountable for excesses, which are common. Kremlin support for Kadyrov is an insult to all North Caucasians. To solve its dilemma in the North Caucasus, Russia needs a more enlightened strategy, guided by several principles.įirst, Moscow must make clear that brutality is unacceptable. Prime Minister Vladimir Putin emphasises only force. ![]() After the subway bombings, President Dmitry Medvedev called for “cruel” measures but also for “economic and social progress”. Islamic extremism in the North Caucasus is radicalising young people and reviving suicide attacks. Murders of human-rights activists and journalists who report on abuses, such as Anna Politkovskaya in 2006 and Natalia Estemirova in 2009, have deterred others from uncovering the truth. Many died when Russian forces stormed buildings. In 2002 at a Moscow theatre and in 2004 at a school in Beslan, North Ossetia, suicide terrorists took hundreds of hostages. Terrorism and inept Russian responses have frequently led to innocent deaths. Chechen rebels once wanted separatism now they and others seek jihad across the North Caucasus. ![]() In 2007, the Kremlin outsourced rule in Chechnya to a vicious warlord, Ramzan Kadyrov, and boosted subsidies. In 1994, Moscow launched the first of two brutal wars there. Chechen fighters helped Abkhazia and South Ossetia win de facto separation from Georgia, and then turned their guns against Russian forces in Chechnya. After the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, violence surged. ![]()
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